| Content | CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
Benin-city and Issele-Uku are historic places in former Bendel State of Nigeria. Benin city was the capital of the state while Issele-Uku is a town in Aniocha Local Government Area. The distance between the two towns is about 90 kilometres – 54 miles.
Right from the 13th Century Isi-Ile-Uku (Issele-Uku) has had connections with Benin “Bini” and the Umuezechima. Oba Esigie in giving the royal broze mask to Obi Oligbo on his enthronement at Benin-city in the early 16th century, re-emphasized that Issele-Uku was the Oba’s representative on the Eastern extremity of the Benin Empire.
This was testified to by his Royal Highness Uku Akpolokpolo, Oba Akenzua II on the 11th of February, 1976. when he said;
The Bronze mask was given out by Oba Esigie to Obio Oligbo of Issele – Uku to symbolize his position as the Oba’s authoritative representative in the Eastern extremities of the former Benin Empire. The bronze Mask is the face of Oba Esigie, while the festac Ivory Mask still in London, is the face of Queen Mother Idia of Beinin.1
Historically, it is said that as far back as the 13th century, the Oba of Benin, Oba Eweka I appointed the first Ogie “king” of Isi-Ile-Uke (Issele-Uku) kingdom to take charge of the Eastern extremities of the former Benin Empire, to ward off any suprice attack from enemies and check foreign invasion from across the River Niger – (Ohim), and also establish Edo’ presence in the area. Oba Eweka I is said to have crowned Ogie Uwadiei and sent him along with other group of Edos to rule Issele-Uku. There were warriors, statesmen and women, including their children, wards and servants from Ogbe Enaekpan, Ogbe Eribo, Ugbeka, Idumu Inele Ibiwe, Idumu Igun, Idumu Iken of Uselu, Idumu Oliha, Idumu Ezemo Nuzebu.2
The quarters they occupied are still existing in Issele-Uku till this present day, and they are known as: Ogbeofu, Ishiekpe, Ogboli, Ogbidibo, Idumuinei, Idumuzu, Idumu Ozoma and Idumu-Onishe.
At the same time, the Binis came along with their ways of life; – Culture, Religion and Worship, Administration, kingship system and BiniArt. The influence is still very evident in the language of Issele Uku-people.
The Issele-Uku people speak a language that is very close to that of the Igbos. And what has not been understood by so many people outside and even the Issele-Uku people, is how the Ibo language gained dominance among the Edo-people of Issele Uku.
This research work will clear the air on this issue. In the literal life of the Issele-Uku people, the community is very conscious of its Kith and kin both in Benin and others scattered in other lands. Since the first exodus from the kingdom led by Prince Ohneze across the River Niger to found Onitsha mili and other subsequent immigrations the Issele-Uku people are always remembered in Benin in their prayers and rituals, which is still in practice in Benin, and they say things such as,
Ndu Umu Isina Umu I ye or lle” meaning for the health of the Children of Isi-Ile-Uku and the children of Ile Ighodomigbo (Benin). “Umum no Olu, Umum no Igbo” meaning my children that are in Oluland along het bank of the River Niger and Igboland – those other Issele-Uku people of Ikem – Nnado.
THE PEOPLE OF ISSELE – UKU KINGDOM
Just like it has been said above, the people of Issele – Uku migrated from the Benin-empire, which means that they are Binis. They are like an extension of the Benin kingdom in the eastern extremities.
They share similarities in culture with the Issele –Uku people. The people of Issele-Uku have similar events, such as festivals, land tenures systems and even societies with the Binis.
The Issele-Uku people speak the Ika-Ibo language, which we call the “Enuani”. The Enuani has more similarities with the Ibo language, than it does with the Benin language, but this does not mean that we have any thing to do with the Ibos. As we all know, the Ibos in their adventurous nature, in the ancient days established friendly contacts with the people of Issele-Uku kingdom more especially the Anams and the Aguleris, mainly through trade and commerce.
…The constancy of the association with the Ibos helped and influenced the change of Edo language among the Issele-Uku people to the present day – Ibo – Issele – Uku language of Enuain or the Ika-Ibo dialect, which is still full of Benin words.4
Thus, though the Issele-Uku community still speak the Ibo language, but they cannot and will never refer to themselves as Igbos because they are very conscious of their Edo-Benin ancestoral origin.
One other factor that influenced the change in language from the pure Bini language to the Ibo-Bini (Enuani) or (Ika-Ibo) language was marriage: through trade, the Ibos settled in Issele-Uku kingdom. Our own people could not swim across the River Niger, so only the Ibos could swim across, so they came and settle and then married from the Issele-Uku people.
The people of Issele-Uku, are still very conscious of the Sacred nature of the River Niger and its banks (ubom), hence the yams cultivated on the banks of the great river “Ji ani olu or ji Anam” do not require any further purification before they are eaten ‘Nso adiasolu ubom”, neither were they used for the rituals of the new yam festivals which is part of the ceremonies of the Ine festival in Issele-Uku rather, the yams cultivated in the heaterland (Ji enu ani) were used for the rituals of the new yam festivals.
ISI-ILE-UKU “ISSELE –UKU” KINGDOM. (LAND)
ISI-ILE-UKU, which was the original name from Benin; but because of the change in language is now referred to as Issele – Uku kingdom was founded by the Binis in about 1230 AD by Oba Eweka I of Benin Empire and first Ogie of the new kingdom, was prince Uwadiaie who was the second son of Oba Eweka I.
The original name of this kingdom that was carried out of Benin Empire – “ISI-ILE-UKU”, signifies relationship with the Benins and Oba of Benin-city “Uku Akpolokpolo omonoba n’edo’5
When Oba Eweka I created the new Benin outpost of Isi- lle- Uku, now pronounced Issele-Uku, his main objective was to check and stop the influx of people from East of the River Niger, and people from Igala land into the Edo land West of the River Niger, for farming and fishing operations. Also, to use Isi-Iie-Uku the new out post and kingdom as a defence out post to the Benin Empire and more over, for expansion purposes.
Isi-Ile-Uku was also to re-enforce the other Bini-Yorubas, of Ukwu – Nzu “Olukwum” people and town founded by Oba Oranmiyan on his return to rule Benin from Ile-Ife “Utte”. He was the father of Oba Eweka I of Benin. Infact, it was at Ukwunzu that Oba Oranmiyan of Benin installed his Yoruba deity – ORISHA – AKODI now called Onicha – Kodi by the people of Nkwunzu and the environs and he instituted an OHEN now called Ohene: high priest to worship and maintain the deity.6
Today the Olukwumis are bi-linguals, speaking the same type of Yoruba –bini with their Itsekiris and user their kith and kin, along with Issele-Uku, Ika-Ibo language up-till present, the Olukwumis call strangers ISILE. This goes to confirm that the first strangers the people of Ohakwuni came to associate with in this area, were the people of Isi-Ile-Uku.
Prince Uwadiaie the second son of Oba Eweka I was crowned Ogie ‘king’, by his father Oba Eweka I of Benin Empire about 1230 AD. and sent to rule the Bini new kingdom of ISI-ILE-UKU in company of warriors, a group of administrators, chief other princes of the royal family of Benin from Ogbe. Ehaekpen, Idumu inaleibiwe, Idumu Igun, Idumu Iken, Idumu Eribo, Idumu Ezemo, Idumu Oliha, Idumu Ihamu, Idumu Isama, and Idumu Ugboka. Members of the royal families of Benin were settled at Ehaekpen of Issele-Uku.
This Benin quarters are still in existence in Issele-Uku, but the name have been tilted, due to the change in language, and they are now called: Ogbe and Idumu; Ishieakpe, Ogbidibo, Idumu – Inele Ebigwe, Idumu Uzu, Idumu IKem, Idumu Ozonma,, Iduma, Idumu Onishe, Idumu Ihama, Idumu Isana and Idumy Edemoka “Umu-edumoka” at Ogboli.
The land is very historic, Issele-Uku, is sited in the former Bendel State of Nigeria. Benin city was the state capital, while Issele Uku was in Aniocha, now Aniocha North Local Government Area. The distance between Benin and Issele-Uku is about 90 kilometers.7
Names of most Issele Uku people, especially in the ancient days were in Edo or Benin names, this goes to show the ties between the Issele-Uku people and the Edo-Benin people. i.e. Ogiwe, Osakwe, Osiegbu, Osubo, Osu, Osegbovu, Omofoma, Usiofo, Idia Afumata, Ofomata, Ikhimi etc.
As mentioned earlier, gradually the Ibo language became more dominant, but it was the culture of the Binis – pegan worship, chieftaincy, kingship tradition and craft that triumphed. But linguistically, Issele-Uku Ika-Ibo dialect is today full of words, names and titles that are of Benin origin.
Issele-Uku dynasties were of the Benin origin from the first to the present the first being Ogie (king) Uwadie who started the Issele-Uku kingdom, ruled from about 1230 to 1290 A.D. which was the first era. From thence the Issele – Uku people have had 19 other kings which is now called Obi.9
The most prominent and famous of them all was the last before the present who is Obi (King) Osemene III. He schooled at Port Harcourt, and college in Asaba. He worked with a host of companies, including the ministries in Ibadan. He was a sportsman, played football from his high school days in Port Harcourt, college in Asaba, Ize also played for the Western Rovers of Ibadan, also played for Oba Akenzua II football club, Benin city, he also played for the Benin eleven and also the Nigerian Green Eagles. He played in the western royal team that played against the English touring team of 1958 and the Nigeria Ghana matches.
He pulled down the old relics of his father’s building which were near to ruins and they were dilapidating, and he mounted a new modern building which is still standing till present day. He was a member of the mid-western house of Chiefs – 1964 to 1966 before the civil war broke out, and he is a life member of the common – Wealth British overseas leagues.
The Nigerian-Biafra war sent him on a temporary self exile to live in Biafra. He left his place at Issele –Uku, but returned at the end of the war in 1970 to continue his reign on the throne.
Most importantly, during the FESTAC 77, which was famous for its wide recognition, and which caught int’l attention. He went to Lagos where he presented the famous Oba Esigie of Benin’s royal Bronze mask, which was given as a royal gift by Oba Esigie to Obi Oligbo of Issele Uku kingdom. He was invited by the Nigerian government with the mask, to be displayed in FESTAC 77, after Oba Akenzua II of Benin had confirmed the historic nature and value of the royal mask at Issele-Uku palace. The mask was returned to Obi Osemene III at the end of the FESTAC 77, in Lagos.
SOME OF THE UMUEZE CHIMA TOWNS
Division started with Princess Obio the eldest child of Eze Ikhimi (Chima), Prince Ohaeze grand son of Eze Chima and eldest son of Prince Orisha (Onicha) who was the eldest son of Eze-Chima, but Oricha had died while his father was still alive and reigning on the throne of Issele-Uku.10
The history of Ezechima clan the Umu Ezechima was as a result of a bitter quarrel between the direct descendants of King Chima and his grand children at the King’s death at Issele – Uku. Over who should bury the dead King Chima, and thereafter inherit the ancient throne of Issele-Uku kingdom. This happened in 1505 and the quarrel later generated in disintegration of Issele-Uku kingdom which was originally created by Oba Eweka I of Benin in about 1230 AD.
Eze Chima was the fifth King of Issele Uku kingdom and he reigned after his father Eze Ise, who had substituted the word Ogie meaning king, to Eze which means king in Edo also. The struggle for Issele – Uku kingdom was between, Princess Obio, first daughter of Eze Chima. Prince Oligbo, who became the only direct son after the death of his elder brother Onicha-abo, but he was the second, and had an elder sister. The 3rd person in contention was the surviving son of late Prince Onicha-abo; the first son of Eze-Chima, (dead): who is a grandson of Eze Chima, Prince Ohaeze. Prince Oligbo who was the only direct son won the case in Benin, but the rest were compensated.
UMU-EZE CHIMA COMMUNITIES
The following towns will be listed in their order of importance.
ISI-ILE-UKU KINGDOM: (Issele-Uku) this is the original home of the children of Eze-Chima.
Obamkpa: was formed by Obakpa who was a native doctor, but the land was later invaded by Issele-Uku people and ruled by Prince Anagba the Second son of Eze-Ise.
Onitsha – Milli: Founded by Prince Ohaeze, the son of the late first son of Eze Chima who lost to Oligbo in Benin.11
Obio Town: Founded by Princes Obio and her husband Chief Akogwu Ukpali of Issele-Uku, in a about 1507.
Onicha Olona Town: This was the first town, Prince Ohaezo founded on Olulu – Mkpitime deity, in 1502 before his final flight to settle permanently at Onitsha Milli across the great River Niger in about 1q507 A.D which is now located in Onitsha, Anambra State.
Abor Town: Founded by the second son of Prince Onitsha, the late, first son of Eze Chima, who accompanied his elder brother on his flight from Issele-Uku to Onisha-MIlli but still wanted his own separate abode.
Ezitown: This was found by the grandson of Onicha, who was the father of Ohaeze. The great grand son of Eze Chima.
Onicha – Ugbo: Founded by Prince Agba, the first son of Prince Ohaeze, who was driven from Onitsha – Milli, at the death of his father.
Ugute or Ogute: founded by immigrant from Ogboli, from Issele Uku in about 1507.
Idunmuje Towns: Founded by immigrants from Idumu – Ojeogalanya, part of Ukpai quarter.
Onicha-Ukwu: founded by immigrants from Onicha – Olona and they settled near Ukwu Nzu town.
Issele-Azagba: Founded by Immigrants from Ogbe-ani, Ogbe-Onicha of Ogbe utu quarter, and Idumu Ikem of Idumu – Inei quarter, of Issele –Uku in about 1731 during the reign of Obi Diei.
Issele –Mkpitime: Founded by Immigrants from, Ogbe-Owelle, Idumu –Inei and Ogbeofu quarters of Issele-Uku. The are strictly regarded as off shoots of Issele – Uku and must always be treated as one
Atuma – Town: Founded by immigrants from Idumu Igwe of Idumunei quarter of Issele-Uku. Ani-Nwalo Town, Ute clan in Agbor land and some others are land founded by immigrants from Issele – Uku from one period to another.
They were other immigrants from Issele Uku stocked in different part of Delta State and Anambra State presently such as: Asaba, Umunede, Ogwashi – Uku, Illah, Ibusa, Nsukka, Orlu, Imo State, etc. Issele-Uku is a town that covers approximately sixty (60) square kilometers. Issele-Uku is bounded by the East by Ubulou-Okity and Issele-Mkpitime, to the West by Onicha Ugbo, to the South by Onicha-Ukwu and Idumuje Unor and by the north by Ubulu – Uku.
TRADITIONAL ADMINISTRATION SYSTEM OF ISSELE-UKU
Issele – Uku is made up of ten (10) quarters these quarters make up Issele Uku kingdom and they have chiefs, as the head. These chiefs are subject to the Obi of Issele Uku. The quarters are as follows:
Ogbe –Owelle, Ogbe – Utu, Ukpai, Ogbe – Ofu, Ogboli, Idumuinei, Isheakpe, Ogbidibo, Ogbe-Ntiobi, and Idumu Ahaba. These different quarters share every thing in common with other quarters within Issele –Uku.
The head of these quarters are the oldest titled man and they are called Diokpa. The Diokpa is a very important personality in the community. The Diokpa is the chief spokes man of his quarter (Ogbe), and he presides over all meetings.
The Obi of Issele-Uku is the traditional custodian of the land, Obi means king. He is regarded as the ancestral father and divine ruler of the kingdom and community. His authority must not be challenged and his right is absolute and divine.
The Issele Uku people are people with rich cultural heritage with a historic origin. The land is a very vast land, very rich for Agriculture.
Issele-Uku, a distant land and kingdom away from home (Benin Kingdom). There are still many unique similarities between Issele-Uku and Benin, with regards to customs and tradition. Even though the Issele-Uku speaks Ika-Ibo, (Enuani) language nowadays, it is still full of Edo words and even culture.
ENDNOTES
1 C. A. Akeh-Osu “The History of Great Issele-Ukukingdom” (Onitsha: Etukokwu press Ltd, 1992) pp. 6-8.
2 Ibid .
3 Ibid .
4 Personal Communication with Chief Ego. A Chidi, 40+ Former Traditional Personal Assistant to the Obi of Issele Uku; from Ogbutu quarters in Issele –Uku, Delta State. April 4, 2007.
5 Ibid .
6 C. A. Akeh – Osu “The History of Great Issele – Uku Kingdom” pp. 10
7 N. L. Onwochei, Enweonwu L. Nigerian Leadership and National Development A paper presented at the Nigeria Sociological and Anthropological Students Association Annual General Conference held at the University of Calabar from the 22nd – 23rd January, 1988.
8 C. A. Akeh – Osu “The History of Great Issele Uku Kingdom” pp. 48 | CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
Conflict is an inescapable phenomenon of human life both at the interpersonal or international level.1 The prevalence of conflict, its management and prevention are therefore critical areas of international relations. Conflict comes in varied forms. They could be interstate, arising from perennial disagreements between States; intra-state civil conflicts which may come in varying degrees such as inter-ethnic conflicts; religious conflicts induced by ecclesiastical rivalries; conflict due to ideological incompatibilities amongst others. Some notable crises in human history includes those between Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland, the Croats and Serbs in former Yugoslavia, the African National Congress and the Apartheid regime in South Africa, Rwandan crisis between the Hutus and Tutsis; the Biafran Separatist Movement in Nigeria, Israeli – Palestinian Conflict which is the focus of this research, to mention a few.
The allusion of the English Philosopher – Thomas Hobbes (1588 – 1679) in his work “Leviathan” to an anarchic state of nature where the dominant individual interest is self-preservation, is an apt description of the international system.2
Extrapolating to the international domain, Hobbessian theorizing is accentuated by the very absence of a hierarchical structure of government in the international arena to check the eccentricity of States whose actions in the guise of national interest replicates a state of nature. This is in contrast with what obtains in the domestic arena where Municipal law is invoked in case of an infraction. Hobbessian prescriptions that, “power be centrally and absolutely controlled, that is, a “unitary state” is however inconceivable in the international system.
Scholars of international relations are of the opinion that the Concept of State Sovereignty which is an outcrop of the idealism orchestrated by the Westphalian Settlement, promotes the culture of anarchism in the international system. This is against the backdrop of the “free-wheeling irresponsibility” of Sovereign States. Many writers are of the view that Sovereignty in contemporary international relations is an anachronism, as it is akin to absolutism.
However, the broadening focus of international law which re-conceptualizes the notion of sovereignty, now exerts a restraining influence on Sovereign States by making them answerable in relation to acts bordering on crimes against humanity and international humanitarian law. This has advanced the frontiers of international relations.
Perhaps, before an examination is made into the Arab – Israeli Conflict, it is pertinent to peruse some of the probable causes of conflict and at the same time provide an analytical assessment of the dispute. Conflicts are manifestations of an underlying and sustained disagreement between groups that have not shown enough commitment to lasting peace.
Fundamentally, the perenniality of an un-resolved societal gap or problem could be an incentive for conflict. The roots of the Israeli – Palestinian Conflict which has assumed a broader dimension, that is, the Arab – Israeli Conflict, could be traced primarily to the rivalry between the Jewish Israelis and the Muslim Palestinians over primordial claims to the same territory. It could be encapsulated as “One Land, Two Peoples”.
Some probable causes of conflict among other things are:
Incompatibilities of objectives and actions among interacting groups or policy in the case of states, could be an inducement for conflicts.
Conflicts could arise as a result of a demand for a piece of territory for example, the Iraqi annexation of Kuwait and Saddam Hussein’s intention to subvert the Sovereign prerogatives of the Kuwaiti government which attracted international condemnation and allied response led by the United States to defeat Iraq’s aggression.
Economic hegemony of a particular group over the resources of another could ignite conflicts. For example, the Northern control of the resources of the Niger Delta in Nigeria which led to increased militarization of the region before the Amnesty Programme introduced by the Federal Authorities, which has now doused tensions.
Religious and ideological diversities or incompatibilities which may translate into ecclesiastical claims of superiority of one religion over another, often times have given rise to national rivalries between groups.
Domestic rebellion which attracts international sympathy, for example the Arab Spring in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria in recent times, could be a source of international conflict.
Liberation struggles, such as those between the African National Congress (ANC) and the White Supremacist regime of Apartheid South Africa; the Angolan Crisis in 1975 after the exit of the Portuguese Administrators, which signaled an end to Portuguese imperialism in Angola. The forces of liberation cut across three ethnic based nationalistic and belligerent movements enmeshed in a deep-seated fratricidal struggle for political authority. They are, the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA), and the National Union for Total Independence of Angola (UNITA). There was also the fourth – FLEC – Front for the Liberation of the Cabinda Enclave. This was a Separatist Movement for economic hegemony.
Conflict by its very nature is inevitable. Although not all conflicts result in armed force, this paper discusses armed or violent conflict which has for long dominated relations between the Arabs and Israelis.
David Francis of the Department of Basic Studies of the University of Bradford in his work, “Peace and Conflict Studies: An African Overview of Basic Concept” defines conflict “as an intrinsic and inevitable part of human existence. However, violent conflict is inevitable and as such, is an anomaly. Conflict is defined as the pursuit of incompatible interests and goals by different individuals and groups. Armed conflict is the resort to the use of force and armed violence in the pursuit of incompatible and particular interest and goal”.
The International Criminal Tribunal in Yugoslavia states that “armed conflict exists whenever there is a resort to armed force between States or protracted armed violence between governmental authorities and organized armed groups or between such groups within a State”.
METHODOLOGY
Understanding the theoretical perspectives of international relations provides an analytical framework with which we mirror events in the international political system. To serve the purpose of this research, therefore, our methodological approach shall first and foremost, entail a comprehensive examination of the contending theoretical groundwork that are seminal to international relations. These are the theories of liberalism, realism and Marxism.
Theories of liberalism emphasize man as a rational being able to weigh the Strengths and Weaknesses of available options and their outcomes3. The unique preference of liberal theorists for democratic liberalism which is the very essence of America’s democracy, and Laissez faire which connotes economic liberalism equips individuals with the freedom to discover their potentials in order to improve on their well-being. This is the conceptual basis for capitalism. Neo-liberal institutionalism - a modern variant of liberalism posits that in an anarchic international environment, there is the tendency for States to cooperate with each other because it is in their best interest to do so. The game theory highlighting the Prisoners’ dilemma in evaluating the possible options open to them and their probable outcomes explains the imperatives for international cooperation4.
The realist theoretical view point which sees realism as one of the dominant Schools of thought in international relations posits that States behave in a particular manner out of considerations for national interest. Realism emerged as a profound reaction to the idealism that heralded the formation of the League of Nations, espousing a more normatively driven approach; the structural outlines of which were transmitted to the United Nations. The father of realism – Thucydides reputed to be an exemplar of the realist tradition, in his work, “The Peloponnesian War”, examined the display of power by strong states over the weak.
Thurcydides’ analysis of the Melian Dialogue involved Athens and Sparta – both Greek City States that exercised hegemonic authority at about the 5th century B.C. Each of these States feared the other. This struggle for hegemony by Athens and Sparta became worrisome for the smaller State of Melos that was desirous of maintaining her neutrality. Athens desired to bring Melos under subjugation, opting to attack Melos if she declined to submit to Athens’ authority. Melos indeed called the bluff of Athens. Consequently Melos was un-provokingly attacked and defeated by Athens. Against this background, Thucydides concluded that justice is as defined by the victor which is a common feature of international relations.
Morgenthau in his work, “Politics among Nations” also elaborated on the realist perspectives of international relations. For Morgenthau, international politics is a struggle for power whether at the individual, state, or international level.
The exercise of power involves an attempt by one party to get an individual or state to act in a manner contrary to pre-conceived wishes or interests.
Karl Marx’s (1818 – 1883) radical concept – Marxism is a historical analysis which centred on class struggle. He stratified society in two basic social groups, that is the ruling class and a subject class. He theorized that the ruling class owns and controls the means of production and therefore derived its power through this process, which it perpetually exercises over the subject class.5 Marx alluded to the evolution of Western Society through four stages. These are the phase of:
primitive communism,
ancient society,
feudal society, and
capitalist society.
Pre-historic society epitomizes primitive communism which basically was a classless society. From here society evolved into the master and slaves in ancient society, lords and serfs in feudal society, and capitalist society which involves the bourgeoisie and the wage earners – the labourers6.
In the Communist Manifesto jointly co-authored with his bosom friend and confidant – Friedrich Engels in 1848, Marx stated that his taxonomy of society is not a functional class in terms of income, but an economic class in terms of its economic interests.7 He maintained that such economic classes are not fixed in society but that, they are the result of the production relations that society has adopted. He was of the view that capitalism as an economic system is exploitative and that an enduring capitalist formation will perpetually keep the working class subjugated to the whims and caprices of the bourgeoisie. His theoretical advocacy was to have a revolutionary reconstruction of society through the incentivization of the proletariat to seize the ownership and means of production from the State in order to enhance their well-being by replacing capitalism with socialism.8 In the Marxist normative and activist thinking, this would help to ameliorate inequalities and reduce dependency relationship that exists in class rule. In the course of this work we shall highlight the Leninist variant of Marxism, and how the various theories enumerated above played out in the Middle-East crisis.
Secondly, our methodology shall also examine the events of Post World War II which heralded the emergence of two Super-powers – the United States of America and the Soviet Union as “primary actors in the international system”9. The Cold-War imperatives occasioned by Soviet Marxist political expansionism (Sovietization) orchestrated to bring countries of Eastern Europe – Czechoslovakia, Poland, Bulgaria, Hungary, Romania and parts of Eastern Germany into Soviet Orbit (as they were farcically referred to as “Peoples Democracies”) and also the Subterranean designs to extend same to parts of Western Europe, accounted for United States inexorable commitment to the Truman Doctrine of 1947 which came up with the policy framework of containment to check Soviet Communist aggression in any part of the world.10
In President Truman’s declaration, he asserted “I believe it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures. I believe that we must assist free peoples to work their own destinies in their own way”. This policy thrust based on United States geostrategic interest became the fundamental doctrine of American foreign policy during the bi-polar years which played out in a series of proxy confrontations as a Balance of Power mechanism between the superpowers in the Middle-East. The United States traditional support for Israel and Soviet’s backing for moderate Arab States such as Egypt, Syria and Iraq became visible in the numerous wars fought in that region.11 This will be expatiated upon in the course of this work.
Thirdly, the divisiveness within the Arab community has also exacerbated hostilities in the Middle-East. Then, finally, Arab response or revisionist movements against the State of Israel and her imperial collaborators, as well as the preponderance of bilateral or multilateral diplomacy at resolving the conflict shall form the concluding portion of this work.
CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION Conflict is an inescapable phenomenon of human life both at the interpersonal or international level.1 The prevalence of conflict, its management and prevention are therefore critical areas of international relations. Conflict comes in varied forms. They could be interstate, arising from perennial disagreements between States; intra-state civil conflicts which may come in varying degrees such as inter-ethnic conflicts; religious conflicts induced by ecclesiastical rivalries; conflict due to ideological incompatibilities amongst others. Some notable crises in human history includes those between Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland, the Croats and Serbs in former Yugoslavia, the African National Congress and the Apartheid regime in South Africa, Rwandan crisis between the Hutus and Tutsis; the Biafran Separatist Movement in Nigeria, Israeli – Palestinian Conflict which is the focus of this research, to mention a few. The allusion of the English Philosopher – Thomas Hobbes (1588 – 1679) in his work “Leviathan” to an anarchic state of nature where the dominant individual interest is self-preservation, is an apt description of the international system.2 Extrapolating to the international domain, Hobbessian theorizing is accentuated by the very absence of a hierarchical structure of government in the international arena to check the eccentricity of States whose actions in the guise of national interest replicates a state of nature. This is in contrast with what obtains in the domestic arena where Municipal law is invoked in case of an infraction. Hobbessian prescriptions that, “power be centrally and absolutely controlled, that is, a “unitary state” is however inconceivable in the international system. Scholars of international relations are of the opinion that the Concept of State Sovereignty which is an outcrop of the idealism orchestrated by the Westphalian Settlement, promotes the culture of anarchism in the international system. This is against the backdrop of the “free-wheeling irresponsibility” of Sovereign States. Many writers are of the view that Sovereignty in contemporary international relations is an anachronism, as it is akin to absolutism. However, the broadening focus of international law which re-conceptualizes the notion of sovereignty, now exerts a restraining influence on Sovereign States by making them answerable in relation to acts bordering on crimes against humanity and international humanitarian law. This has advanced the frontiers of international relations. Perhaps, before an examination is made into the Arab – Israeli Conflict, it is pertinent to peruse some of the probable causes of conflict and at the same time provide an analytical assessment of the dispute. Conflicts are manifestations of an underlying and sustained disagreement between groups that have not shown enough commitment to lasting peace. Fundamentally, the perenniality of an un-resolved societal gap or problem could be an incentive for conflict. The roots of the Israeli – Palestinian Conflict which has assumed a broader dimension, that is, the Arab – Israeli Conflict, could be traced primarily to the rivalry between the Jewish Israelis and the Muslim Palestinians over primordial claims to the same territory. It could be encapsulated as “One Land, Two Peoples”. Some probable causes of conflict among other things are: Incompatibilities of objectives and actions among interacting groups or policy in the case of states, could be an inducement for conflicts. Conflicts could arise as a result of a demand for a piece of territory for example, the Iraqi annexation of Kuwait and Saddam Hussein’s intention to subvert the Sovereign prerogatives of the Kuwaiti government which attracted international condemnation and allied response led by the United States to defeat Iraq’s aggression. Economic hegemony of a particular group over the resources of another could ignite conflicts. For example, the Northern control of the resources of the Niger Delta in Nigeria which led to increased militarization of the region before the Amnesty Programme introduced by the Federal Authorities, which has now doused tensions. Religious and ideological diversities or incompatibilities which may translate into ecclesiastical claims of superiority of one religion over another, often times have given rise to national rivalries between groups. Domestic rebellion which attracts international sympathy, for example the Arab Spring in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria in recent times, could be a source of international conflict. Liberation struggles, such as those between the African National Congress (ANC) and the White Supremacist regime of Apartheid South Africa; the Angolan Crisis in 1975 after the exit of the Portuguese Administrators, which signaled an end to Portuguese imperialism in Angola. The forces of liberation cut across three ethnic based nationalistic and belligerent movements enmeshed in a deep-seated fratricidal struggle for political authority. They are, the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA), and the National Union for Total Independence of Angola (UNITA). There was also the fourth – FLEC – Front for the Liberation of the Cabinda Enclave. This was a Separatist Movement for economic hegemony. Conflict by its very nature is inevitable. Although not all conflicts result in armed force, this paper discusses armed or violent conflict which has for long dominated relations between the Arabs and Israelis. David Francis of the Department of Basic Studies of the University of Bradford in his work, “Peace and Conflict Studies: An African Overview of Basic Concept” defines conflict “as an intrinsic and inevitable part of human existence. However, violent conflict is inevitable and as such, is an anomaly. Conflict is defined as the pursuit of incompatible interests and goals by different individuals and groups. Armed conflict is the resort to the use of force and armed violence in the pursuit of incompatible and particular interest and goal”. The International Criminal Tribunal in Yugoslavia states that “armed conflict exists whenever there is a resort to armed force between States or protracted armed violence between governmental authorities and organized armed groups or between such groups within a State”. METHODOLOGY Understanding the theoretical perspectives of international relations provides an analytical framework with which we mirror events in the international political system. To serve the purpose of this research, therefore, our methodological approach shall first and foremost, entail a comprehensive examination of the contending theoretical groundwork that are seminal to international relations. These are the theories of liberalism, realism and Marxism. Theories of liberalism emphasize man as a rational being able to weigh the Strengths and Weaknesses of available options and their outcomes3. The unique preference of liberal theorists for democratic liberalism which is the very essence of America’s democracy, and Laissez faire which connotes economic liberalism equips individuals with the freedom to discover their potentials in order to improve on their well-being. This is the conceptual basis for capitalism. Neo-liberal institutionalism - a modern variant of liberalism posits that in an anarchic international environment, there is the tendency for States to cooperate with each other because it is in their best interest to do so. The game theory highlighting the Prisoners’ dilemma in evaluating the possible options open to them and their probable outcomes explains the imperatives for international cooperation4. The realist theoretical view point which sees realism as one of the dominant Schools of thought in international relations posits that States behave in a particular manner out of considerations for national interest. Realism emerged as a profound reaction to the idealism that heralded the formation of the League of Nations, espousing a more normatively driven approach; the structural outlines of which were transmitted to the United Nations. The father of realism – Thucydides reputed to be an exemplar of the realist tradition, in his work, “The Peloponnesian War”, examined the display of power by strong states over the weak. Thurcydides’ analysis of the Melian Dialogue involved Athens and Sparta – both Greek City States that exercised hegemonic authority at about the 5th century B.C. Each of these States feared the other. This struggle for hegemony by Athens and Sparta became worrisome for the smaller State of Melos that was desirous of maintaining her neutrality. Athens desired to bring Melos under subjugation, opting to attack Melos if she declined to submit to Athens’ authority. Melos indeed called the bluff of Athens. Consequently Melos was un-provokingly attacked and defeated by Athens. Against this background, Thucydides concluded that justice is as defined by the victor which is a common feature of international relations. Morgenthau in his work, “Politics among Nations” also elaborated on the realist perspectives of international relations. For Morgenthau, international politics is a struggle for power whether at the individual, state, or international level. The exercise of power involves an attempt by one party to get an individual or state to act in a manner contrary to pre-conceived wishes or interests. Karl Marx’s (1818 – 1883) radical concept – Marxism is a historical analysis which centred on class struggle. He stratified society in two basic social groups, that is the ruling class and a subject class. He theorized that the ruling class owns and controls the means of production and therefore derived its power through this process, which it perpetually exercises over the subject class.5 Marx alluded to the evolution of Western Society through four stages. These are the phase of: primitive communism, ancient society, feudal society, and capitalist society. Pre-historic society epitomizes primitive communism which basically was a classless society. From here society evolved into the master and slaves in ancient society, lords and serfs in feudal society, and capitalist society which involves the bourgeoisie and the wage earners – the labourers6. In the Communist Manifesto jointly co-authored with his bosom friend and confidant – Friedrich Engels in 1848, Marx stated that his taxonomy of society is not a functional class in terms of income, but an economic class in terms of its economic interests.7 He maintained that such economic classes are not fixed in society but that, they are the result of the production relations that society has adopted. He was of the view that capitalism as an economic system is exploitative and that an enduring capitalist formation will perpetually keep the working class subjugated to the whims and caprices of the bourgeoisie. His theoretical advocacy was to have a revolutionary reconstruction of society through the incentivization of the proletariat to seize the ownership and means of production from the State in order to enhance their well-being by replacing capitalism with socialism.8 In the Marxist normative and activist thinking, this would help to ameliorate inequalities and reduce dependency relationship that exists in class rule. In the course of this work we shall highlight the Leninist variant of Marxism, and how the various theories enumerated above played out in the Middle-East crisis. Secondly, our methodology shall also examine the events of Post World War II which heralded the emergence of two Super-powers – the United States of America and the Soviet Union as “primary actors in the international system”9. The Cold-War imperatives occasioned by Soviet Marxist political expansionism (Sovietization) orchestrated to bring countries of Eastern Europe – Czechoslovakia, Poland, Bulgaria, Hungary, Romania and parts of Eastern Germany into Soviet Orbit (as they were farcically referred to as “Peoples Democracies”) and also the Subterranean designs to extend same to parts of Western Europe, accounted for United States inexorable commitment to the Truman Doctrine of 1947 which came up with the policy framework of containment to check Soviet Communist aggression in any part of the world.10 In President Truman’s declaration, he asserted “I believe it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures. I believe that we must assist free peoples to work their own destinies in their own way”. This policy thrust based on United States geostrategic interest became the fundamental doctrine of American foreign policy during the bi-polar years which played out in a series of proxy confrontations as a Balance of Power mechanism between the superpowers in the Middle-East. The United States traditional support for Israel and Soviet’s backing for moderate Arab States such as Egypt, Syria and Iraq became visible in the numerous wars fought in that region.11 This will be expatiated upon in the course of this work. Thirdly, the divisiveness within the Arab community has also exacerbated hostilities in the Middle-East. Then, finally, Arab response or revisionist movements against the State of Israel and her imperial collaborators, as well as the preponderance of bilateral or multilateral diplomacy at resolving the conflict shall form the concluding portion of this work. | ABSTRACT
This dissertation studies the kolanut trade in Sokoto city from 1900-2014. The virtues of kolanut as masticatory to the people of Sokoto as well as the roles it plays in the promulgation of socio-cultural activities cannot be over emphasized. Just like coffe, Kolanut is among the stimulants which Islam does not prohibit and this makes its trading the only ancient existing trade that is still lucrative despite the present day technology at man’s disposal. The kolanut trade between Sokoto and other parts of West Africa had been in existence even before the Jihad of 1804. During this period, many products were traded between Sokoto and Asante and Kurmi in the southwestern part of Nigeria. But kola has usually been singled out as the commodity of most interest by Sokoto people. This study examine the Socio-economic and cultural contact between the Hausa (Sokotawa) kolanut traders and the Yoruba of Southwest of Nigeria. Relations between different societies could derive from a common origin, trading connections and similar religious beliefs. This trade also brings about the emergence of certain settlements for both indigenes and Yoruba settlements as well as emergence of certain kolanut markets within Sokoto like shagon goro and famous kara market. The trade has also led to the emergence of prominent kolanut merchants who had contributed immensely towards the development of the kolanut business in Sokoto city. In the present era, due to the advancement in the technology, uses of mobile phones, modern means of transport, e-banking system etc. have came to affect the changing nature of kola transactions
CHAPTER ONE
GENERAL INTRODUCTION
1.1 Introduction
Despite the economic revolutions which hit Nigerian vegetable products following the advent of Europeans occupation, the kolanut remains the only produce the value of which still seems to exceed the money paid for it.1
There are people in Hausaland who are addicted to kola: if they don’t eat it they feel like vomiting… the Hausa people are so fond of kola (goro) that it will buy anything a man can give it as payment and it will be accepted.2
Kola, a member of the family sterculiaceae, is a nut that comprises a large
amount of caffeine and other substances like kolatin, kolanin, glucose, starch, fatty
matter, tennins, catechins, bataine and protein that act as stimulants which may also be
like coffee as it is mildly additive.3There are two major species of kola-cola nitida and
cola acuminate. For nitida, the specie was originally found along the western coast of
Africa from Sierra Leone to the Republic of Benin with the highest frequency and
variability in the forest areas of Cote d’Ivoire and Ghana. These areas have been
accepted as the centers of origin of Cola nitida. The areas remained for long the most
prominent source of kolanuts (Gwanja kolanuts) to the West African trading routes. In
the early twentieth century, kola trees were seldom planted, the nuts used for trade and
local consumption being obtained from spontaneous trees.4
Cola acuminata, the second important commercial species of kola, has its original
area of distribution stretching from Nigeria to Gabon. The Cola acuminata could be
found spontaneously in mountains areas of Angola, Zaire and Cameroun, while it has
long been in cultivation on the islands of Principe and Sao Tome. However, in Nigeria, the areas of Idanre and Ijare all in Ondo state are currently regarded as the place where Cola acuminate originated.5Meanwhile, kolanut has a long history in Sokoto city and the use of kolanuts among the people of Sokoto featured prominently in their religious, social and ceremonial activities. Kolanut is used during ceremonies relating to marriage, naming ceremony, as well as coronations. | CHAPTER ONE
GENERAL INTRODUCTION
1.0 Introduction
The present Rijau is not what it used to be. At present, there are a lots of development in terms of diversified languages, land, infrastructure, roads hospital, schools, electricity etc. in the town.
Before the coming of immigrants, Rijau was known to be one single compound with various household units within it. It was located on top of a hill called “Ratayagiwa”. The compound is said to be founded by a tribe called ‘Dukawa”.
Adamu claims that, in a Dukawa society, tradition belief that eldest man in the family unit is regarded as a head of the family. This shows that there has been somebody who is recognized as a ruler1. Danmasani observed the development of political system in Rijauland. However, the political development came as a result of the coming of Muhammadu Sambo from Yautumaki, in Katsina State. Sambo who obtained a flag from Uthman. Danfodio established a political administration in the area. Until the period of the British colonial rule in 1914 that the traditional political institution was serious affected in the area. But the independence of Nigeria in 1960 came with a new transformation on both political and socio-economic aspects2.
Finally, in 1976, the establishment of Rijau Magama Local Government led to the rapid development. In 1991 Rijau local Government was created under the Banagida regimes. As a result, other developments sprang up most of which include establishment of schools, health centre constructions of roads, electricity, pipe borne water and others3
1.1 Significance of the Study
It is worthwhile to investigate and study the evolution of Rijau District. This will make readers have clear understanding of the beginning and the development of political system as well as the socio-economic activities of Rijau people.
The study is of great importance to the entire community. This project can also be a guide to those who go on with similar topic in their researches.
1.2 Aim and Objectives of the Study
The aims and objectives of this study is:
1. To acknowledge the people with the earlier development of Rijau political system.
2. To understand the factors that led to the political and socio-economic changes in the area. | ABSTRACT
Violence in general terms has been a cancerous disease that has continued to eat deep into the fabric of our society. Religious violence has for long hampered growth, unity and development in our society and our country at large. The conflicts had been studied by various scholars in an effort to reconstruct the genesis of the whole issue in Kaduna State, Northern Nigeria and Nigeria at large. However it is on the bases that this project reconstruct the history of religious violence as it affect the people and government of Kaduna state from 1987 to 2011. It discuss religious violence, its causes and consequences in Kaduna. The researcher concludes by advancing that within the period of study violence has been a recurring phenomenon in the History of Kaduna and also recommend ways or means through which this violence can be ameliorated.
CHAPTER ONE
BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
1.0 Introduction
Religious violence has its roots deep in the history of Kaduna State. As a state, Kaduna came into being in 1987 and in the same year religious violence erupted. Historically, Kaduna was part of Northern region in the three (3) regional structures of 1954. Present day Kaduna was the capital of Northern region when Nigeria was restructured into twelve (12) State on 27thMay 1967. It was named North Central State and later changed to Kaduna State in 1976. The old Kaduna had two provinces, Katsina and Zaria. On 23rd September, 1987 the state was split into two, Katsina province became a new state named Katsina state, while Zaria retained the name Kaduna.1 The name Kaduna is derived from the Hausa word “KADA” meaning crocodile, and Kaduna is the plural word for crocodile. Main towns in Kaduna are Kaduna (city capital), Zaria, Kagoro, Kafachan, Kachia and Zonkwa. Kaduna State consist of twenty-three (23) different local government areas and there are: Birnin, Gwari, Chikun. Giwa, Igabi, Ikara, Jaba, Jema's, Kachia, Kaduna North, Kaduna South, Kagarko, Kajuru, Kubau, Kudan, Lere, Makarfi, Sabon Gari, Sanga, Soba, Zangon Kataf and Zaria Local Government Areas. There are fifty-seven (57) different langue spoken in Kaduna which includes Acipa in Eastern Birnin Gwari LGA, Amo in Saminaka LGA, Ashe Kachia in LGA, Aten in Jema'a LGA, Atsam in Kachia LGA, Ayu in Jema'a LGA, Bacama in Northeast of Kaduna town, Begbere-Ejar in Kachia LGA, Berom in Jema'a LGA, Bina in Saminaka LGA, Cinda-Regi-Tiyal in Birnin Gwari LGA, Cori in Jema'a LGA, Doka in Kachia LGA, Dungu in Saminaka LGA, Gbagyi in Kachia LGA, Gbari Gbiri-Niragu in Saminaka LGA, Gwandara in Kaduna State, Kachia LGA, Ham in Kachia and Jema'a LGA's, Hausa Idon in Kachia LGA, Idun in Jema'a LGA, Iku-Gora-Ankwa in Kachia LGA, Ikulu in Kachia LGA, Irigwe in Saminaka LGA, Izere in Jema'a LGA, Jere in Saminaka LGA, Jju in Kachia and Jema'a LGA's, Kadara in Kachia LGA, Kagoma in Jema'a LGA, Kaivi in Saminaka LGA, Kamantan in Kachia LGA, Kaningkon-Nindem in Jema'a LGA, Kanufi in Jema'a LGA, Kinuku in Saminaka LGA, Kono in Saminaka LGA, Kurama in Saminaka and Ikara LGA's, Kuturmi in Kachia LGA, Mada in Jema'a LGA, Mala in Saminaka LGA, Nandu-Tari in Jema'a LGA, Ningye in Jema'a LGA, Ninzam in Jema'a LGA, Nkwak in Birnin Gwari LGA, Numana-Nunku-Gwantu-Numbu in Jema'a LGA, Piti in Saminaka LGA, Pongu Small Numbers In Kaduna Town, Ruma in Saminaka LGA, Shamang in Kachia and Jama'a LGAs, Shama-Sambuga in Kaduna State, Birnin Gwari LGA, Sheni in Saminaka LGA, Surubu in Saminaka LGA, Tumi in Saminaka LGA, Tyap in Kachia, Saminaka, and Jema'a LGA's, Vono in Saminaka LGA, Yeskwa in Jema'a LGA, Zhire in Kachia And Jama'a LGA, but Gbari and Hausa are the major ones.2
The issue of religious violence gained ascendancy and became aggravated in Kaduna State after the state was created in 1987. Religious violence in Kaduna State began in 1987 when there was a clash between Muslim and Christian Students during the observation of the annual evangelical week of fellowship of Christian Students (FCS). The violence started at the College of Education in Kafanchan and later spread to Zaria, Kaduna and Katsina.3 Between 1988 and 2011, there were several cases of religious clashes in Kaduna State in which over 50,000 lives were lost. Over one million people were internally displaced and billions of naira lost.4 The persistence of this crisis ignites scholarly interrogation. This research work therefore reconstructs the history of religious violence in Kaduna State. From 1987 up to 2011 several religious violence occurred in the State, most of these violence emerged from disagreements either between students or youths in the society and later exploded to clashes between Christians and Muslims in the State leading to losses in lives and property. | ABSTRACT
This study attempts to reconstruct the history of Yoruba migrants in Dutsin-ma local government from 1976-2015. The essence is to interrogate and explain the forms and dynamics of intergroup relations between the Yoruba migrant group and the host community. The study employed a historical methodology in investigating the forms of intergroup relations in the study area. It discovered that the relationship between Yoruba migrants and the host community has been largely cordial. More so, the Yoruba people have impacted positively in spheres such as the economy, education and infrastructural upliftment of Dutsin-ma town. The study recommends that inter-ethnic cooperation is a strategic necessity for development. Therefore, inter-ethnic mixture should be encouraged. It is hoped that policy makers will find this study useful.
CHAPTER ONE
BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
1.1 INTRODUCTION
Yoruba people are seen in every part of the country and in many communities of the world, they are people who have left their homes in South-western Nigeria and have moved to other places to settle either temporarily or permanently. The movement of such people mostly from their places of origin to a new place occurs due to multiple reasons often summed up base on lee Everett “push” and “pull” reasons or factors of migration. Push factors have tended to drive people out in search of better living conditions while pull factors are believed to be socio-economic and political reasons that have attracted them to a particular place for better means of livelihood across the world. Migration is defined by Eisenstadt as the physical transition of individual or group from one society to another. This transition according to him, normally involves abandoning one social setting and entering another and different one. His emphasis is mainly on leaving a whole set of social life and of a person’s previous residential region and establishing a new set of social life in a latter or new region where they migrated,1 such people are generally referred to as migrants. In most cases, migrants play vital roles towards the development of the communities which they settle while in some other cases, the impacts of the migrants can also be negatively felt in the new environments they settled. Because relationship is prone to hiccups due to the fact that sometimes indigenes feel threatened by migrants usually as a result of land tussle or economic struggle over scarce resources. Places like Kano, Minna, Kaduna, Benue, Jos and Nasarawa state are examples of where indigenes have felt threatened and this has led to clash between migrants and host communities. Cases like this have led to security threats and displacement of people. Udo explains that migrants to rural areas do not require special skills to function effectively as farmers or petty traders, he further ascertain that migration leads to the development of rural areas and all exert considerable impact on the economy of the origin of migrant itself.2
Among the various ethnic groups that have been active in migration processes across Nigeria for a long period are the Yoruba people who are highly mobile, town dwelling people, who built kingdoms and empires long before they came into contact with the European.3They are among the oldest surviving groups in the forest of the South of Nigeria including the Edo speaking people who have successfully established and maintained vast kingdoms within the forest environments of Nigeria.4
Yoruba people in Nigeria, apart from religion affinity, can be said to be liberal that is why they easily go along and settle among other language groups as it is seen in Northern Nigeria. The Yoruba–speaking people of Nigeria are concentrated in Ondo, Oyo, Ogun, Osun, Kwara, Ekiti and Lagos States. While majority of the Yoruba live in Western Nigeria, there are also substantial Yoruba communities in the Republic of Benin and Togo as well as in the United States and United Kingdom.5 The Yoruba share a linguistics homogeneity as well as common traditions and traced their decent from a common ancestor called Oduduwa, who is believed to have established the Ife dynasty.6 The Yoruba were never united under a common government rather Yoruba land consisted of several powerful monarchial states such as Ife, Oyo, Egba and Ijebu etc. However, certain political positions were recognized throughout the whole of Yoruba land, the most important has been the Oni of Ife, who was regarded as the spiritual ruler of all Yoruba and the Alaafin of Oyo who was the political leader of the Yoruba people.7 |
